Despite US-China tensions, joint universities are thriving

Joint venture universities in China – such as Duke Kunshan University, NYU Shanghai, Wenzhou-Kean University, the Tianjin Juilliard School and also the Hopkins-Nanjing Center – have continued to thrive despite rising political frictions between the United States and China.

These institutions are unique Sino-foreign partnerships, most with Chinese legal status but international academic DNA. Their sustained success amid geopolitical tensions is not coincidental; it stems from careful leadership, innovative curricula, engaged communities, robust financing and supportive, albeit selective, policy frameworks.

Leadership and governance structures

Effective leadership and governance have been central to the resilience of joint venture universities (JVU). By law, JVUs in China must have a governance structure that includes Chinese oversight – the board of directors is required to have a Chinese majority, and the chancellor must be a Chinese citizen.

In practice, these universities adopt a co-leadership model: typically, a Chinese chancellor or president shares authority with a Western counterpart (often titled executive vice-chancellor or similar). This dual leadership structure balances accountability to Chinese regulators with explicit fidelity to international academic standards.

Notably, although Chinese Communist Party (CCP) committees are mandated in all higher education institutions, the Chinese government has relaxed certain requirements for JVUs, allowing their boards (which include representatives from the foreign partner) greater influence over academic affairs.

Such flexibility means sensitive decisions – from curriculum content to campus policies – are guided by joint boards and academic councils rather than direct party control.

JVUs thus function with a high degree of autonomy, operating under self-selected administration and independent management structures, unlike typical Chinese colleges.

This governance equilibrium, sanctioned by regulators, enables quick adaptation and insulates the campuses from any unexpected political shifts.

In each case, these principles are laid out in a cooperative education agreement that spells out key principles regarding academic freedom, leadership roles and even termination procedures.

Strong leadership also manifests itself in proactive diplomacy. Leaders of JVUs consistently engage both Chinese authorities and US stakeholders in dialogue.

For example, during my tenure as executive vice-chancellor of Duke Kunshan, we emphasised open communication with all Chinese government officials to safeguard academic freedom on campus.

By maintaining transparency and trust with local and national authorities, JVU administrators can preempt misunderstandings and negotiate solutions when issues arise.

Meanwhile, the US partner universities remain closely involved in oversight through joint boards and frequent visits. In 2023, Duke University’s president, Vincent Price, visited Duke Kunshan and met with China’s vice-minister of education, reaffirming Duke’s long-term commitment to the Kunshan campus.

Such high-level engagement signals to both sides that these institutions are “beacons” of cooperation, worthy of protection.

In sum, balanced governance – Chinese and foreign partners sharing control – and skilful leadership communications have been pivotal in steering JVUs steadily through turbulent political waters.

Curriculum design and academic freedom

Curriculum design at these joint campuses carefully blends international standards with local requirements, enabling academic excellence without provoking regulators.

All JVUs offer curricula in line with their Western partners’ quality: English is the primary language of instruction for all courses at Duke Kunshan and NYU Shanghai, for instance.

They also feature liberal arts and interdisciplinary programmes generally uncommon in China – giving students flexibility to choose majors and explore a broad core curriculum.

Admissions processes break the often rigid mould of China’s exam-driven system; universities like NYU Shanghai and DKU recruit students via holistic criteria (essays, recommendations and interviews) rather than solely via gaokao scores.

This freedom in academic design has produced innovative programmes and pedagogies that attract top talent from across China and across the globe.

At the same time, JVUs respect Chinese educational norms by incorporating certain required elements. For example, the Chinese government in recent years asked JVUs to introduce “ideology and civic education” content for Chinese students.

In response, these universities were able to significantly modify the mandated courses, focusing them on Chinese history, culture and local entrepreneurship rather than solely political indoctrination.

At NYU Shanghai, the required civic education module is brief (one week in four years) and consists of activities like visits to historical monuments, omitting explicit study of party ideology and carrying no academic credit.

This creative compliance meets regulatory expectations without compromising the Western-style curriculum.

Crucially, academic freedom has largely been preserved on these campuses despite China’s often restrictive environment.

Because they offer both a Chinese and foreign degree, JVUs must satisfy US accrediting bodies, which imposes an expectation of high academic standards and freedom in teaching.

Administrators report that they control their own curriculum content, and agreements with Chinese partners are explicitly committed to upholding academic freedom and US educational standards.

It is clear that quality must be maintained to avoid possible criticisms that these degrees are watered-down versions of the degrees offered by the US home institution.

In practice, faculty at JVUs enjoy broad autonomy to design syllabi and select readings, even on sensitive subjects.

Interviews with faculty and students across multiple JVUs have consistently found “no significant limitations on academic freedom imposed by the Chinese government” inside these institutions.

Topics that might be censored elsewhere in China – such as the status of Taiwan or events in Hong Kong – are openly discussed in JVU classrooms.

Libraries and online resources on campus remain uncensored: students and professors have unrestricted access to international academic databases and the global Internet, often via secured networks or VPN connections to the home university.

These “islands of academic freedom” persist largely intact, protected by the JVUs’ special status and track record.

To be sure, minor challenges exist – faculty sometimes self-censor to avoid conflict, student activities are subject to mild administrative review and a few topics (for example, direct criticism of China’s leaders) may be handled with caution.

Overall, however, the curricular integrity and intellectual openness at JVUs have been sustained.

By designing curricula that are both globally rigorous and locally sensitive and by quietly but firmly insisting on academic freedom, these universities continue to thrive as havens of learning amid the prevailing wider political environment.

Student and faculty engagement

The campus communities themselves – the students and faculty – play a vital role in the resilience of joint venture universities.

These institutions bring together a diverse body of students: at NYU Shanghai, Duke Kunshan and others, roughly 50-65% of students are Chinese and the rest international, creating a cosmopolitan learning environment, even on Chinese soil.

Chinese students who enrol are often those seeking a more open, discussion-based education than traditional universities offer, while international students are drawn to the cultural immersion and academic prestige.

This mix fosters daily people-to-people exchange and mutual understanding, which is precisely the soft diplomacy both countries still encourage.

Students engage actively in campus life, from bilingual debates to multicultural events, and thus become stakeholders in the JVUs’ mission of East-West collaboration.

Notably, most programmes require or encourage students to spend at least one semester at the US home campus and likewise invite US students to study in China, ensuring robust two-way exchanges.

Such experiences empower students as cultural ambassadors and reinforce the value of keeping these transnational education channels open.

Faculty engagement is equally important. Joint venture campuses hire academic staff from the US parent university and around the world. These professors often bring international expertise and teaching methods, and they are often motivated by the pioneering nature of these schools.

Faculty members report that they can teach what and how they want, with administrators affirming that curriculum decisions are theirs to make.

Many faculty consciously include comparative perspectives and even sensitive case studies in their classes, testing the boundaries of discourse in a constructive manner. Their professionalism and cultural adaptability help maintain an environment of open inquiry without crossing into provocations.

Students and professors together have cultivated campus cultures that prize critical thinking yet respect the host country context.

For example, student organisations and campus events celebrate both American and Chinese holidays, and discussions on controversial issues are held in moderated academic forums rather than in activist protests, striking a balance between expression and stability.

There have been reports of tightened oversight of student clubs and speech on some joint campuses in recent years, reflecting external political pressures.

However, these communities have largely navigated such challenges by communicating concerns to leadership and adjusting tactics rather than abandoning their values.

Core academic atmosphere

The commitment of students and faculty to the universities’ ideals – and their flexibility in adjusting to new rules – have thus far preserved the core academic atmosphere. Indeed, despite travel disruptions and geopolitical rhetoric, student interest in these programmes remains high.

Duke Kunshan saw a 77% surge in international applications in 2023, receiving a record 3,326 applications for 150 spots (half of those applications coming from US students).

NYU Shanghai likewise attracted nearly 19,000 international applications at the peak of the pandemic, having been the only university in China permitted to bring back foreign students during COVID lockdowns.

Such demand speaks to the reputation and trust these communities have built. In short, engaged students and faculty – by embracing a shared intercultural mission and demonstrating resilience in tough times – reinforce the success and continuity of JVUs.

Are there minefields ahead for joint venture universities? For sure, there are various naysayers across the US government and society; these people believe that the China side derives much more benefit than the US partner universities. These are not money-making enterprises.

They also believe China is using its education ties with the US for nefarious purposes. It is in this context that joint venture universities must be protected and nurtured.

They represent concrete evidence that the multifaceted synergies to be gained from these important, mutually beneficial projects clearly outweigh any risks that might exist, if they exist at all.

Denis Simon is the former executive vice-chancellor of Duke Kunshan University (2015-2020). He currently is a non-resident fellow at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft.

This article is a commentary. Commentary articles are the opinion of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of University World News.